"Jonny Steinberg’s verbal brilliance obscures the intellectual and ethical poverty of his piece in Business Day, 17 July (Small flames of empathy in a wind of subjugation). Does he imagine that only his small band of self-styled progressives and activists are capable of feeling empathy or that the ordinary Israeli kid, compelled to police the
Friday, July 18, 2008
Small flames: a response
Thursday, July 17, 2008
The Islamic Agenda?
There have been critics from within the Jewish community claiming that progressive Zionists should shun the support derived from Christian groups. The reasons they advance include the purported "rightwing" political stance of such groups or alleged religious agendas underlying such support. Sometimes, I suspect it is simply a visceral dislike of the religiosity displayed by some of the more vocal of the Christian evangelical churches.
I don't find any of this convincing. I disagree mildly and sometimes profoundly with the views of many Jewish Zionists, but recognise that were I to insist that every supporter of Israel share my world-view I would find myself confined to a small and ineffectual coalition of fellow conformists. Thus we should welcome every supporter except where their actions or words are so ethical dubious or dangerous to clearly disqualify them. I certainly don't find this amongst the Christians I have been in contact with.
That does not mean that I necessarily agree with everything that our ally and friend, Willie Paterson, has written. I am not sure, for instance, that every more towards improving ecumenical relationships is a covert strategy for undermining the West, though we should not be naive about such matters. The main issue is how to differentiate and combat political Islam while not lapsing into irrational Islamophobia.
While readers ponder this, they may also consider the "Quote du Jour" representing leftwing thought within Israel and outside. This position was discussed more fully in my previous post "Liberal heart, neocon brain" and seems considerably more naive and dangerous than most writings coming from the Christian Zionist camp.
These are issues we should discuss further on this blog. But in the meantime, here is Willie Paterson's article after very minor editing:
Islamic Imperialism.
And this is not cynicism, we have to see the world as it is. We are caught in the crossfire of a fierce ideological war.
Tuesday, July 8, 2008
Liberal heart, Neocon brain
In it he argues for a stronger liberal-dovish Israel-Jewish lobby in the USA, reflecting the position of the majority of American Jews according to Gershom, to counter AIPAC which he labels rightwing. He claims, possibly correctly, that they would reflect an Israeli reality which seeks dialogue with Israel's enemies on the basis of a two-state solution and the usual set of compromises advocated by moderate peaceniks.
He sounds plausible and I much prefer the tone of his writing to the xenophobic and paranoidal ring which afflicts so many rightwing (mainly, but not exclusively, religious) commentators. Despite this, I suspect he is guilty of a great deal of wishful thinking with potentially catastrophic consequences for Jews and Israelis specifically. In a comment (accessible here) I said the following:
"Gershom confuses his desire for a kinder, juster world (which most of us share) for analysis. He believes labelling people as left/right or neocon/liberal is helpful in itself; it isn’t. He contrasts “shortterm security needs” with “longterm peace”. But if you don’t have the essential shorterm security the longterm is irrelevant. And who says, that “concessions”, justice, kindness will contribute to peace against opponents (Hamas, Hezbollah, Iran for instance) who are interested in your destruction, not your friendship? Of course justice, kindness and magnanimity can be pursued for their own sakes and not for the political dividends they bring - but that is another matter. What does Gorem say to the argument that the political situation demands a decisive Israeli (Western) military victory, the end of 2-state hopes, the extension of Israel to more defensible borders, expulsion of all those not willing to live in peace in a Jewish Israel and hopefully a raprochement and even cooperation with neighbours who understand Israel is there to stay and that it would be more rational to get along. This would require USA (and Western) longterm commitment of course, and that may be the biggest stumbling block. As much as my heart is liberal my head is a neocon - with some imagination I hope."
This deserves a couple more qualifications. It is entirely possible, indeed desirable, to combine a fairly hardline (realistic) political stance with a liberal, non-racist personal orientation. The political and personal are two different realms. It is not too difficult to understand that the Arab-Muslim threat to Israel arises out of political, cultural and other contextual historical and current realities and does not reflect some intrinsic evil in either the people or in the Islamic religion.
That does not make the threat any less real, and thus my political stance is extremely realistic.
Shlomo Aveneri (in Haaretz) points to the multiple dimensions and incredible complexity of the so-called Israel-Palestine conflict which makes any prospect for a comprehensive resolution highly improbable. But, drawing on examples from the ethnic conflicts in
By that he refers to the mix of diplomatic, economic, scientific and other initiatives aimed at reducing the intensity and likelihood of violence while allowing slower processes of cooperation, improved security and political advance to move the parties closer to a viable peace.
Whether this is any more realistic than the hope that empathy and concessions will make dialogue possible is, in my view, dubious. I suspect that at some time it will become apparent both to Israel and the USA (and the West in general) that a decisive military victory (however that is defined) must precede any political resolution. But that recognition cannot be indefinitely delayed without rendering success more difficult or even impossible.
But to reiterate: a realistic political posture does not require uncalled for brutality or racist and xenophobic attitudes. That demeans us and certainly does not advance our interests.
Mike Berger
Wednesday, June 18, 2008
The Darkling Plain
They are amongst the most intense and moving lines of poetry that I know and perhaps the most painful part is that in considerable measure they are as true today as they were nearly century and a half ago. Of course, they have been widely used by others and readers may find the following Wiki link interesting - click here.
- Before I go further click here for a short but excellent summary of some of the implications of the Hamas-Israel truce and related negotiations. At the end of this blog I list further sites where good information and analysis can be found.
Nevertheless, despite my respect and admiration for her book I felt it failed to recognise the gap between the personal and political and thus failed to do justice to the multi-dimensionality of the Middle East reality. I have written an article entitled "The darkling plain" to explore further my thoughts on these issues and have submitted it to Ferial Haffejee of the Mail and Guardian. Her response has been positive and without an absolute commitment at this stage, the paper is seriously considering publication. I won't post it on this blog before I have a clear answer but in time it will appear.
As an "activist writer" in defense of Israel in the the local media I am the recipient (sought and unsought) of numerous items relating broadly to the Israel-Palestinian conflict and related political questions. I find much - certainly not all - on both sides of the fence to be shrill, selective, and often just banal. Some of it is counterproductive (at least as far as I am concerned). Excessive negative rhetoric prompts me to question the motives and judgement of the writer.
The "big issue" for many supporters of Israel is: how does one retain one's humanity while at the same time acknowledging political realities and remaining commited to a cause? I
I cannot give a formulaic answer to the question but believe that Israel will be better served by honesty and even criticism (especially if informed and thoughtful) than blind idolatry. I would be interested in the views of others.
Nevertheless, we simply cannot turn a blind eye to the hatred that is being disseminated by the Islamist camp - to see a recent article by Matthias Kuntzel on the phenomenon click here. Is this part of Islam in general? I don't know the answer but do accept that elements within Islam can be used by extremist groups to justify hatred. However, I see little to be gained by making the whole of Islam (with its 1.5 billion adherents) our inevitable enemies. Rather focus on the extremists, isolate them from the body of Islam and encourage the religion to move toward greater enlightenment and tolerance.
For the more scholarly readers I recommend the following items
The New Post-Zionist Historians by Yoav Gelber published by the AJC in 2007. It is a substantial (36 pages), critical but scholarly look at the writings and assumptions of a number of post-Zionist (anti-Zionist would be more accurate) historians. Those interested can write to me directly and I will send them the pdf file. I suggest you have broadband.
An interview with RS Wistrich on Antisemitism Embedded in British Culture published by the Jerusalem Centre for Public Affairs in July 2008. For the internet version click here.
In addition, I strongly recommend the following sites to keep yourself informed on Jewish-Israeli-Palestinian affairs on an on-going basis:
Daily Alert
British Israel Communications and Research Centre (BICOM)
Jewish Israel News Service (JTA)
In addition to these sites one can directly log into the Israeli media which generally have good on-line publications. I would also draw your attention to a new UK publication with a conservative bent, Standpoint. It would be interesting to compare this with Commentary (USA mainly Jewish in orientation), The New Republic (USA, general) and Prospect (UK, general).
Finally, I would be interested in reviews or suggestions regarding other material (books, articles etc) that move beyond propaganda to deal in a non-academic but intelligent way with Israel and the Middle East. Please send in your contributions.
Mike Berger
Monday, June 9, 2008
Intractible Conflict
Intractable conflict is especially interesting since there are real costs to the protagonists. Nevertheless, certain conflicts seem to go and on despite the obvious disadvantages and pain that they cause those closely involved. The Israeli-Palestinian stand-off is a current example. It has been going strong for a century or so and resolution seems elusive.
There are a number of obvious factors contributing to the longevity of this particular conflict. For instance, despite a number of military losses, the Palestinians have not been decisively defeated in the full sense of the term. They have not been dispersed and incorporated into the populations of other nations but exist in substantial numbers on the borders of
Then, of course, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been incorporated into the agendas of various regional and global groups. For some regional players the conflict has strategic value of various kinds by mobilising public opinion behind a specific party or individual or by deflecting popular criticism or serving as a bargaining chip in dealings with other powers and rivals. In the web of regional interpersonal, intergroup and interstate rivalries the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has instrumental value over-and-above its direct emotional significance for their neighbours.
As much as this is true regionally, it also holds at a global level.
There is little doubt that the conflict has also played a role in shading the relationship between
Besides these obvious factors which make the Israeli-Palestinian conflict so convoluted, I would argue that a significant part of the problem is that it has become widely institutionalised and woven into the very fabric of institutional and individual lives, both at the local and global level.
Locally it is obvious. The IDF exists primarily to defend itself from the threat posed by the Palestinians and their backers. The IDF is a major and constant factor in Israeli life. Quite apart from its military function it serves to integrate and unite the very diverse elements which go to make up Israeli society. Similarily in
Similarily, at a global level, many leftwing (and a few rightwing) groups justify and define themselves through their stance in relation to the Israeli-Palestinian question. Personal advancement and self-publicity can be achieved through an activist posture relative to the conflict. Such groups become part of a de facto network of pro-Palestinian organisations and in this way become self-perpetuating. They also block resolution by polarising debate and by encouraging extremist postures.
Besides opportunities for status, prestige and even material advancement (and I have not even mentioned the importance of economic activity associated with what may be broadly termed the “military-industrial complex” according to Eisenhower) offered to protagonists on both sides of the conflict, the dispute also serves various psychological needs. These include the need for meaning and purpose, for self-validation and for venting personal frustration and anger into acceptable channels of social activity. This probably plays an important role in creating recruits for terror groups and for motivating both the vociferous leftwing opponents and, to a lesser extent, even the defenders of the American-Israeli axis.
This brief survey both understates and overstates the nature of the “institutionalisation” of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It would be possible to advance many more examples of its influence and involvement in economic, political, social and personal spheres than I have offered here. But at the same time it is often just one, sometimes a small, component of many other causal factors and does not always play a determining role in deciding the course of events. It may also be argued that the same analysis could be applied to any conflict or political issue of some magnitude. I would not dispute this- see for example,
But it would be hard to argue that the intertwining of the
In the long run intractability cannot be good. The conflict is a potential longterm existential threat to
Thursday, June 5, 2008
Posttravel Reflections
Travel they say “broadens the mind”. That may well be true but it also empties the wallet and exhausts the body.
These reflections are prompted by our return from a family trip to the
In our relatively brief absence major natural disasters befell China and Myanmar, the xenophobic pogroms in South Africa gained high-profile treatment in major world news, Hiliary Clinton put her foot in it with a reference to the Robert Kennedy assassination, Bush visited Israel, talks between Israel and Syria (and even Hezbollah) were pursued further and pressure on Olmert continued to mount from all sides.
I missed the past 3 weeks of the debate within
Postmodern conflict is as much psychological as economic or military. Lies, distortions and selective simplifications are the tools of this devious craft whose objective to is weaken the enemy and gain popular support. Ugly though it is it must be fought. In so doing it poses its own ethical dilemmas similar to those confronted by conventional military conflict.
We all know the world seldom divides itself neatly into the categories depicted in political propaganda. Even those with right on their side make mistakes and commit sins. How do we defend ourselves against those without scruples or who are so caught up in the fervour of their cause that such considerations never cross their minds?
For myself I try to stick to the truth as far as I can perceive it at a given moment while bearing in mind the deeper and often unstated ramifications of the “debate”. One point which arises again and again are the “settlements” in the
In the best of all worlds, one would hope to see
In reality, hostility, mistrust and hidden agendas make such a solution extremely difficult to attain. Neither the Palestinians nor the Israelis have any overwhelming moral right to some clearly defined portion of the
But, under current political conditions, no resolution will satisfy everyone. Every group on both sides will calculate where the line between advantage and loss is drawn and will try to achieve the best possible outcome for itself. All this is caught up in greater battles both regional and global. Neither we nor the experts can find any simple solutions to these intertwined conflicts. The best we can be do is to remain on guard against those seeking maximal advantage for their side and, simultaneously, open to opportunity for peaceful resolution – a tricky balancing act.
Yet this is the uncertain and precarious path whereby we humans eventually reach resolution of seemingly intractable conflicts.
Sunday, May 4, 2008
Political Pornography Updated
Despite denials, this campaign - which closely resembles the vicious European anti-Semitism of the pre-Nazi era - caters for the semi-psychotic addicted crazies which infect every strata of society and need only some form of legitimation to give expression to their fantasies. The following quote from comments in response to the article(one example amongst many on the 'net) gives some idea of the thought processes underlying these obsessions:
“The next Anti-Christ will be jew..... Take a LOOK at a youtube video called The Esoteric Agenda....a real eye opener Explains how these jew bastards like Rockefellers, Rothchilds, Morgans etc. need to rule the planet by famine and disease....”
Hari knows about this trend. Previously he wrote
“And, yes, the debate about
Despite this uncertainty, I drafted a reply published below in full. It may yet appear in The Star, but you have it here in unexpurgated and unedited form. (Has Hari's original piece been blocked by objections to its publication of the Internet??)
I will be away for 3 weeks so don't expect anything from me for the next month. All the best and lets keep the responses coming.
Political Pornography
Everyone knows it is easier to throw mud than to wipe it off, and Johann Hari in the Star (…) comes armed with something much more smelly than mud. He builds his article, to use his words, around Jewish filth being flung at a “cowering Palestinian population”.
